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      Friday
      Jun082012

      Woodward-Bernstein: Watergate was About Vietnam and the Anti-War Movement

      President Richard M. Nixon tells a White House news conference in 1973 that he will not allow White House Counsel John Dean to testify on Capitol Hill in the Watergate investigation. (Photo: Charles Tasnadi/AP)In the permanent struggle over memory, the mainstream narration about Watergate is that it was about an ego-driven lust for power, and contained by the checks-and-balances of our democracy. Nothing could be farther from the truth, according to a new reflection by Washington Post reporters Carl Bernstein and Bob Woodward on the fortieth anniversary of the event that led to Richard Nixon’s demise.

      Their article, excerpted here, is a sobering reminder of how elites on the highest levels of power will continue lying and pursuing their unpopular agendas in the fact of public opposition. Of particular note is the Republican strategy of destroying “institutional power” bases of the Democratic Party liberals, not simply destroying the reputations and lives of whistle-blowers and war resisters. Pat Buchanan, a Nixon confidante who went on to a comfortable career as a Beltway television commentator, wanted to make sure that such institutions – the Brookings Institution then, as the besieged public employee unions or Justice Department voting rights attorneys today, are undermined to render the Democrats and the Left powerless.

      Here are key excerpts from the article in the Washington Post this week:

      “Nixon’s first war was against the anti-Vietnam War movement. The president considered it subversive and thought it constrained his ability to prosecute the war in Southeast Asia on his terms. In 1970, he approved the top-secret Huston Plan, authorizing the CIA, the FBI and military intelligence units to intensify electronic surveillance of individuals identified as “domestic security threats.” The plan called for, among other things, intercepting mail and lifting restrictions on “surreptitious entry” — that is, break-ins or “black bag jobs.”

      Thomas Charles Huston, the White House aide who devised the plan, informed Nixon that it was illegal, but the president approved it regardless. It was not formally rescinded until FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover objected — not on principle, but because he considered those types of activities the FBI’s turf. Undeterred, Nixon remained fixated on such operations.

      In a memorandum dated March 3, 1970, presidential aide Patrick Buchanan wrote to Nixon about what he called the “institutionalized power of the left concentrated in the foundations that succor the Democratic Party.” Of particular concern was the Brookings Institution, a Washington think tank with liberal leanings.

      On June 17, 1971 — exactly one year before the Watergate break-in — Nixon met in the Oval Office with his chief of staff, H.R. “Bob” Haldeman, and national security adviser Henry Kissinger. At issue was a file about former president Lyndon Johnson’s handling of the 1968 bombing halt in Vietnam.

      “You can blackmail Johnson on this stuff, and it might be worth doing,” Haldeman said, according to the tape of the meeting.

      “Yeah,” Kissinger said, “but Bob and I have been trying to put the damn thing together for three years.” They wanted the complete story of Johnson’s actions.

      “Huston swears to God there’s a file on it at Brookings,” Haldeman said.

      “Bob,” Nixon said, “now you remember Huston’s plan? Implement it. . . . I mean, I want it implemented on a thievery basis. God damn it, get in and get those files. Blow the safe and get it.”

      Nixon would not let the matter drop. Thirteen days later, according to another taped discussion with Haldeman and Kissinger, the president said: “Break in and take it out. You understand?”

      Though Ellsberg was already under indictment and charged with espionage, the team headed by Hunt and Liddy broke into the office of his psychiatrist, seeking information that might smear Ellsberg and undermine his credibility in the antiwar movement.

      In response to suspected leaks to the press about Vietnam, Kissinger had ordered FBI wiretaps in 1969 on the telephones of 17 journalists and White House aides, without court approval. Many news stories based on the purported leaks questioned progress in the American war effort, further fueling the antiwar movement. In a tape from the Oval Office on Feb. 22, 1971, Nixon said, “In the short run, it would be so much easier, wouldn’t it, to run this war in a dictatorial way, kill all the reporters and carry on the war.”

      “The press is your enemy,” Nixon explained five days later in a meeting with Adm. Thomas H. Moorer, the chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, according to another tape. “Enemies. Understand that? . . . Now, never act that way . . . give them a drink, you know, treat them nice, you just love it, you’re trying to be helpful. But don’t help the bastards. Ever. Because they’re trying to stick the knife right in our groin.”

      “You can’t drop it, Bob,” Nixon told Haldeman on June 29, 1971. “You can’t let the Jew steal that stuff and get away with it. You understand?”

      He went on: “People don’t trust these Eastern establishment people. He’s Harvard. He’s a Jew. You know, and he’s an arrogant intellectual."

      Nixon’s anti-Semitic rages were well known to those who worked most closely with him, including some aides who were Jewish... Nixon [went] into rants and rages, recorded on his tapes, about Ellsberg, the antiwar movement, the press, Jews, the American left and liberals in Congress — all of whom he conflated.

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